According to Ewa Tusk, Donald’s mother, Jozef Tusk stayed in the concentration camp in Stutthof till 1944, before being conscripted by force to the German army. Jozef Tusk’s stay in the concentration camp as well as his conscription to the army have never been proved conclusively though. Similarly, the circumstances in which Jozef Tusk joined in November 1944 the Polish Armed Forces in the West remain unknown. The fact however, is undisputable.
In 1976 Tusk graduated from 1st Mikolaj Kopernik Lyceum in Gdansk. In 1980 he graduated in history from the University of Gdansk. His MA thesis supervisor was Roman Wapinski, a distinguished researcher of the pre-war national movement. Tusk met his future wife Malgorzata during his studies there. In 1982 Donald and Malgorzata’s son, Michal was born. He now works for ‘The Electoral Paper’ (Gazeta Wyborcza) as a journalist. In 1987 their daughter Katarzyna was born. Recently she has participated as a contestant on the TV show ‘Dancing with Stars’ broadcast by TVN station.
Whilst studying, Donald Tusk became engaged in the opposition activities, initially the activities of the Students’ Solidarity Committees. As he claims, his adventure with anti-communist movements began in 1978.
Tusk claims that it was through Bogdan Borusewicz that he started co-operating with the Free Trade Unions of the Coast. Krzysztof Wyszkowski, the founder of the unions and an activist of the Free Trade Unions of the Coast, has never heard of it though.
At that time Donald Tusk met Lech Badkowski, a writer and a former soldier of the Polish Armed Forces in the West who was passionate about the history of Kashubia. He made Tusk aware of his Kashubian origin. Later on Tusk emphasised his Kashubian origins as well as the fact that he originates from Gdansk. His future local political policies were certainly built on and inspired by the idea of regionalism .
Tusk was then a low-rank opposition activist. The political police (Secret Service) files have Tusk on the list of contacts of Antoni Mezydlo, a well known oppositionist from Torun. The journalists’ research has it that during the August strike of 1980 in the Gdansk shipyard, Tusk brought bread and sausages for the workers who were fighting with the communist regime.
In the Marine Publishing House where he found employment, he became the ‘Solidarity’ leader. He co-operated with the local ‘Solidarity’ weekly ‘Autonomy’ (‘Samorzadnosc’) whose editor-in-chief was Lech Badkowski. Tusk was present at the 1st National Congress of ‘Solidarity’ with the aim of reporting on it for his paper.
In the spring of 1983, more than a year after the Martial Laws imposition, the first issue of ‘Political Review’ (‘Przeglad Polityczny’) was published. Tusk was a member of the editorial staff. The paper embraces Jacek Kozlowski, Jan Krzysztof Bielecki, Janusz Lewandowski, Andrzej Zarebski, Jan Szomburg, and Jacek Merkel i.e. a group of people who later became key politicians. The paper also published articles on Janusz Korwin – Mikke and Stefan Kisielewski.
On 22 July 1983 Tusk and his colleagues from the paper were apprehended in Laczynska Huta while his flat was searched. Tusk was released as early as the afternoon of 23 July due to the amnesty that was announced.
Tusk then began working for the next 7 years at the ‘Swietlik’ co-operative as a 'high building window cleaner' Maciej Plazynski, the co-founder of the Civic Platform (PO) was his employer there.. He travelled a lot, including trips abroad. In 1985 he travelled to France on a mission to find sponsors for the ‘ Political Review’. He meets with Jerzy Giedroyc and Miroslaw Chojecki.
In 1986 a new political discussion club comes into being. It is a continuation of the Constitution of the 3rd May Club of Social Initiatives founded by Lech Badkowski in July. The team advocated Christian and national ideas as well as the programme of the Young Poland Movement (RMP)that builds on the pre-war National Democracy. The environment of Tusk, the so-called liberals, together with the leader of RMP – Aleksander Hall, establish in 1987 Lech Badkowski Club for Political Ideas.
It is then, in 1987, when Tusk speaking about his attitude to ‘Polishness’ says "How to free ourselves from the stereotypes that have accompanied us since the day we were born, strengthened by literature, history and common sentiments? What’s left when we deprive it of the pompous, gloomy and ridiculous theatre of broken dreams and unjustified delusions?" He responds as follows - "Polishenss is abnormal. This is what comes to my mind, this painfully persistent thought, whenever I touch on the unwanted topic. Polishness makes me rebel automatically; the history, the geography, the bad luck, and God knows what else, have imposed this unwanted burden on my shoulders, the burden I don’t feel like carrying but I don’t know how to get rid of (I don’t want to get rid of, anyway?). They have burned this mark and want me to carry it round with pride. So I become abnormal, filled up with Polishness; and when others say a man, I say – a Pole; and when others say culture, civilisation and money, I shout – God, Honour and Homeland (all capitalised out of necessity); when others build, love and die, we fight, rise and die. And only some little moments when we take a break we look at our national ethos a little more critically, we read Brzozowski and Gombrowicz and become more normal.
There is a certain dramatic gap in Polishness – between imagination and fulfilment, between a plan and its carrying out. The gap becomes an ethos for the unlucky and for losers that have never come to terms with their losing. (…). Polishenss, indeed, is a projection of our common complexes that is inadequate to the gloomy reality. Escaping from Poland that is tangible, lost, dirty and poor is more beautiful than Poland itself. That is why it often fools us, blinds us and leads to the land of a myth. It is a myth itself".1/
In June 1988 liberals of Gdansk organised the 1st Gdansk Congress of Liberals, a gathering of liberals from around the country. It was a success and in November the 2nd Congress was organised. They established an association – Congress of Liberals and on 24 February filed for the party registration.
On 15 February 1990 when anti-communist protests of the youth were dying out and the agreeable part of the opposition was, together with the communist, introducing reforms that were supposed to be the basis for the new constitution and the new regime, an initiative group of the Democratic-Liberal Congress (KLD) was formed. In June 1990 Janusz Lewandowski became the President of KLD Main Board and Donald Tusk his deputy.
In April 1990 Tusk became the deputy editor-in-chief of ‘The Gdansk Paper’ (Gazeta Gdanska). Mazowiecki decided that Tusk, although still little known, had enough journalist experience to sit on the Liquidation Committee that dealt with the disbursement of wealth of the Workers’ Publishing Co-operative ‘Press-Book-Distribution’.
The way the disbursement of the co-operative wealth is conducted causes a lot of controversy since post-communist environments buy the press titles one by one. The privatisation of the Press Graphics Printing Shop in Krakow and the Press Printing Shop in Gdansk prove to be the most controversial. These two reprehensible, if not criminal transactions are assigned to the liberals, strengthening their image as fraudsters and ultimately becomes their nickname.
In October 1991, both printing shops are bought by an American fund – the Polish – American Entrepreneurship Fund established by the American Congress. Thus, the Fund has at its disposal American government recourses. The Supervisory Board of the Fund includes among others, Jan Krzysztof Bielecki linked with KLD and the then American President George Bush. The Committee ‘agreed to the so-called ‘lion’s share’ contract in line with all the benefits being taken over by the Partnership, whereas all the losses were burdened by the Committee and the State Treasury. The printing shops were sold for 11.5 m new zlotys. Upon the purchase the Fund paid only 14.47% of the due amount. The deadline for the outstanding payment due in 2001. The possibility of revalorisation is excluded.
In May 1991 Tusk becomes KLD leader. In the October election the party gained 37 seats in the 1st term Seym and 5 seats in the Senate. Tusk becomes a deputy for the first time.
The new parliamentary configuration is on the one hand, KLD allied with the post-Solidarity Democratic Union (UD), and on the other hand, the pro-western government of Jan Olszewski. The cabinet draws up plans of Poland’s accession to NATO and the European Economic Community. Tusk gets personally involved in the government overthrowing. Olszewski and Antoni Macierewicz, the Minister of the Internal Affairs, commence the procedure of disclosing names of the former political police informants in the public life. The so-called ‘Macierewicz’s list’ contains names of KLD deputies - Michal Boni, Wladyslaw Reichelt and Herbert Szafraniec.
At the meeting with the President, whose name is on the so–called ‘Macierewicz’s list’ as a former confidential informant (TW) ‘Bolek’, was attended by among others, Leszek Moczulski, a former oppositionist registered as TW ‘Lech’ and Waldemar Pawlak, the President of the post-communist Polish Peasants Party’. It is decided that the latter should become the new Prime Minister.
When Pawlak’s mission proves to be a bluff, Tusk’s party supports Hanna Suchocka, a candidate of the UD. The two parties make a coalition. Janusz Lewandowski of KLD resumes his previous governmental post, Jan Krzysztof Bielecki assumes the post of the Minister for Contacts with the EEC, Andrzej Arendarski, since 1990 the President of the National Commerce Chamber, becomes the Minister for Foreign Economic Co-operation, and Krzysztof Kilian becomes the Minister of Communications.
In April 1991 Tusks claims "I can see, and this seems almost tangible, that politics is not happening on TV screens, but is hidden somewhere there. I don’t mean it is not transparent but that there are many spheres of politics….These places, which are also rather concealed, are commercial chambers and administration posts. It goes about maintaining certain elements of power independently of the parliamentary games. Now I can see how one that is in such structures which are not strictly political, may influence reasonably and effectively. The role of the liberals will depend not only on the numbers of mandates they will hold but also on their capability to create lobbies, and their presence in strategic places. The places are not only the ones situated at Belwederska Street, Ujazdowskie Alley and Wiejska Street"2/ (the locations of the President’s, the Prime Minister’s and the Parliament’s seats respectively)
Krzysztof Wyszkowski, a former member of KLD, writes articles about the personal contacts of Donald Tusk and Wiktor Kubiak. Kubiak was an agent of the Military Internal Service (WSW) of the People’s Republic of Poland (PRL) that was tasked with dealing with the illegal transfer from the West of electronic goods on which there was an export ban concerning the communist countries.3/
The political friendship of Kubiak and Tusk resulted in the improvement of the financial standing of KLD. ‘Political review’, the liberals’ press organ was published from then on in an elegant form and the party’s seat was refurbished. Kubiak is one of the people of the ‘fallen regime’ that did business in Poland after the year 1989. Thanks to Kubiak, Tusk was, even in difficult times, able to organise KLD meetings in the Marriott hotel where Kubiak’s offices occupied one floor. Meanwhile Kubiak became minister Lewandowski’s (the so –called ‘minister for privatisation’) plenipotentiary.
In 1994 KLD unites with the centre-leftist Democratic Union and a new party – the Freedom Union comes into existence. The new party leader is Tadeusz Mazowiecki and Donald Tusk becomes his deputy. Already in April, though, Mazowiecki is replaced by the former Minister of Finance, Leszek Balcerowicz.
In 1997 the Union gained 60 seats in the Seym and 8 in the Senate. Donald Tusk assumed the post of the Senate Deputy Speaker.
In 2000, a month after Tusk had lost the contest to become the party’s leader (he competed with Bronislaw Geremek) Tusk and a group of former KLD activists decided to resign from the party’s membership.
In January 1991Tusk, along with his former superior, Maciej Plazynski and Andrzej Olechowski, a former communist intelligence agent ‘Must’, established a new party – the Civic Platform. The party was founded on the basis of Olechowski’s election committee. Olechowski came second in the presidential election of 2000 losing to Kwasniewski, who was registered with SB as a confidential informant under TW ‘Alek’ pseudonym.
When Plazynski left the party Tusk undermined the position of Olechowski and in June 2003 he become the party’s leader.
In the autumn 2005 Tusk runs in the presidential election. During the campaign, public opinion poll companies abuse the data on an unprecedented scale. Till August Lech Kaczynski, the President of Warsaw, has a lead in the opinion polls. It is then when Tusk, enjoying little support so far (comes usually fifth) gains unexpectedly quite a few points.
Wlodzimierz Cimoszewicz, who is a post-communist candidate registered as an operational contact (under ‘Carex’ pseudonym) with the communist intelligence is attacked by Konstanty Miodowicz, a member of the Committee of Inquiry for Orlen (a state-owned fuel concern) His aim was to hold fraudsters connected with yet another scandal of the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) times accountable. Miodowicz is the Civic Platform deputy. He made use of the revelations disclosed by the former assistant to Cimoszewicz, Ms Jarucka, who claimed that the former Minister of Foreign Affairs supposedly entitled her to exchange his financial disclosure with the aim of deleting the information concerning his possession of PKN Orlen shares. To prove this, the assistant shows a letter signed by Cimoszewicz., which is later confirmed as a forgery.
Criticised by the media and PO, Cimoszewicz decides to withdraw from running in the presidential election. Tusk takes the lead in the opinion polls. He is supposed to win in the first round. With time, journalists disclose that the head of the public opinion survey company (PBS) Krzysztof Koczurowski, and one of the KLD founders favours Tusk. In 1991 he was one of three people responsible for the election campaign of KLD.
Tusk wins in the first round marginally. A week before the second round a pro-government TV station, TVN informs that Tusk has taken the lead. It quotes data from another public opinion survey company GFK Polonia, according to which Tusk wins over Kaczynski. They are supposed to gain 62 and 38 percent respectively. The difference amounts to 24 percent. Lech Kaczynski wins the election gaining more than 54 percent of the votes while Tusk gets 46 percent. GFK Polonia ‘makes a mistake’ in its calculations and the mistake is 32 percentage points.
Tusk became an MP. He was against his party backing the minority government of Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz that was formed by Law and Justice (PiS). PO and its leader started an aggressive campaign against President Lech Kaczynski and Jaroslaw Kaczynski’s party. They enjoyed the commercial media support. In November Tusk during a parliamentary debate over the inaugural speech of Marcinkiewicz screamed ‘"Poland is not doomed to, as the Polish have called it since yesterday, a mohair coalition". This statement is an intentional sign of disdain for the elderly and the middle-aged that wear mohair berets and potentially vote for PiS, ‘Self-defence’ (Samoobrona) and the League of Polish Families (LPR).
Tusk refused to join the government but he did not agree to the Parliament dissolution either. Therefore, PiS in February 2006 signed the so-called ‘stabilisation pact’. This was signed by two other minor parties that were considered populist. It was believed that 144 bills would go through under the pact. This included flag drafts i.e. a draft on Military Intelligence Services - WSI (the never vetted communist intelligence and counter-intelligence) liquidation and on establishing the Central Anti - Corruption Bureau (CBA). Both bills were soon adopted by the Seym.
Only a month after that the pact ceased to exist. PiS tries to again dissolve the parliament and to call an early election. In vain, however, Tusk refuses once again to join the government (a proposal issued by Kaczynski). For this reason Kaczynski makes a coalition with the two minor parties.
In May 2006 Tusk convenes a general convention of his party. The convention confirmed Tusk’s leadership. Tusk’s aim was to eliminate the other leader of the party, Jan Maria Rokita, who supported allying with PiS. Before the parliamentary election Zyta Gilowska, another prominent member of PO, leaves the party due to the alleged nepotism. Pawel Piskorski has to leave the party as well as the media accuse him of and the Prosecutor’s office later charge him with concealing his income. Finally, Rokita himself decides not to run in the early election to the Parliament. Since then the party has been managed by Tusk and Grzegorz Schetyna, an MP from Dolny Slask.
In the election campaign Donald portrays PiS as a party that citizens shall fear. According to him PiS’s aim is to limit democracy in Poland. It invents non-existing corruption cases and carries out surveillance on citizens. The PO campaign focuses on convincing voters that Kaczynski’s party is against reforms and is anti-European. PO’s black billboards proclaim ‘lies’, ‘contempt’, and ‘aggression’ and claim ‘these are PiS rules’ are present everywhere. The National Election Commission demands PO (the billboards’owner) sign the billboards.
Wladyslaw Bartoszewski supports PO and becomes a pioneer in the rhetoric of confrontation. He refers to PO opponents as ‘the cattle’. Radoslaw Sikorski, who was the Minister of Defence dismissed by the Prime Minister Kaczynski, supports PO and claims during one of the caucuses "Just one more battle and we will kill the pack" . PO promises miracles which prove to be popular in western Poland.
The election debates between Jaroslaw Kaczynski, Donald Tusk and Aleksander Kwasniewski decide the result of the election. In the most important confrontation between Kaczynski and Tusk, Tusk wins in terms of image. The audience that was invited to take part in the debate by PO contributes to Tusk’s victory. During the one-hour debate it constantly offends Kaczynski while the journalists choose not to intervene. Tusk’s election result in Warsaw is record-breaking. He gets 534 000 votes while Jaroslaw Kaczynki’s gains 273 000 which constitutes to only half the votes Tusk gets.
Donald Tusk becomes Prime Minister (the President of the Council of Ministers) for the first time. On 9 November Lech Kaczynski appoints him officially to hold the post of Prime Minister. He heads the coalition government of PO-PSL. These days Tusk decides to change his rhetoric. Thus far, much critical about the ruling party he has become ostensibly agreeable. He talks about the rule of ‘love’, ‘trust’ and ‘co-operation’. On the other hand though, he also uses brutal rhetoric and threats. On 19 March 2010 just before the Smolensk catastrophe, during a parliamentary debate over the budget deficit, he addresses the opposition as follows: "If politicians understand what was understood by ordinary Poles, that when it goes about everyday matters only co-operation and never quarrels was given a chance, then we may, in my opinion, win even more than Poland won last year. If you do not understand this you will die out like dinosaurs did"
Tusk makes use of PR and marketing expertise efficiently. Often he and his environment trigger provocations of a social engineering character. Due to the fact that most of the electronic media criticise the opposition openly, and some e.g. ‘The Electoral Paper’ and TVN station focus on fighting with the opposition, he manages to attract the attention of the public to matters other than the current problems the government faces. The problems the government and PO in particular experience are connected with corruption. Just before the parliamentary election, a prominent MP of PO, Beata Sawicka is caught red-handed taking a bribe. The action was conducted by the Central Anti – Corruption Bureau. Quoting other influential PO politicians, Sawicka informed the Bureau agent that after the election "we will transform hospitals into commercial partnerships". Sawicka and the mayor of Hel were caught in the act when they were concluding a deal that concerned an estate on the peninsula. The estate was supposed to be taken over thanks to an illegal tender.
In March 2009 another scandal, the so-called ‘Misiak’s scandal’ breaks out. Toamsz Msiak is a senator of PO and his company ‘Work Service’ gets a contract to organise training and assistance for shipyard workers that are being laid off. The aim is to help them find employment. The conditions concerning the training are laid down in an appropriate Act that is forced through in the Senate by Misiak. Tusk's recommendation is to remove Misiak from the party. This, however, is not all. Apart from this, Misiak’s company completed a dozen contracts that amounted to 12 mln zlotys with the state owned Polish Post. The contracts were concluded without tendering and at the time when Misiak was working on a bill on the post commercialisation. Eventually, Misiak’s case died out in the media. Its implications however, might have harmed even Grzegorz Schetyna, the closest collaborator of Tusk. One of the subcontractors of ‘Work Service’ is a company that was previously owned by the wife of vice Prime Minster Schetyna. Then it is in the hands of the head of Slask Wroclaw basketball club, a confidant of Schetyna, whose club it use to be.
In October 2009 another scandal hits the headlines involving among others Zbigniew Chlebowski, the head of the parliamentary club of PO The so called ‘gambling gate’ concerns drafting a gambling bill in cooperation with casino owners. Chlebowski holds talks with the lobbying groups illegally. CBA, which disclosed the scandal, reveals that Tusk himself helped warn the involved businessmen and politicians. The role of Schetyna, the vice – Prime Minister and the Minister of Internal Affair, is also dubious. His name is often mentioned in the talks Chlebowski holds with Ryszard Sobiesiak, an owner of a chain of casinos. Commentators openly compare the government crisis to the infamous ‘Rywingate’, and even enhance its importance.
In November Tusk agrees to set up a committee of inquiry. The committee is dominated by deputies of the ruling coalition PO-PSL. Meanwhile the Prime Minister dismisses the head of CBA, Mariusz Kaminski, who disclosed the scandal. Tusk accuses him of undertaking political actions against his government. The committee attempts to explain the probable chain of events but under pressure by PO it ceases its works quickly. The awaited confrontation of Tusk and Kaminski does not take place. The final repost drafted by Miroslaw Sekula, a deputy of PO, acquits all the involved of violating the law.
A year and a half after the ‘graft scandal’ was unveiled another one makes the headlines. This time the so-called ‘shipyard scandal’ involves Aleksander Grad, the Minster of Treasury. The minister and a group of civil servants wish to favour a Qatar investor that participates in a tender for shipyards of Szczecin and Gdansk. This is against the law. What's more, the civil servants are not really aware of whether the investor really exists or not.
Scandals of lesser and higher calibre have mushroomed under the government of PO. It is impossible to write about all of them. The so-called ‘Atamanczuk’s scandal’ seems particularly important. It concerned Lukasz Abgarowicz’s financial disclosure of 2008. Abgarowicz was a deputy of PO. He and Michal Luczak, a PO activist and a local government politician were apprehended by the police on the grounds of marihuana, amphetamine and ecstasy possession . What is more, they attempted to bribe the policeman. Yet another scandal involved Hanna- Gronkiewicz- Waltz, the President of Warsaw. She allocated 500m zlotys to a private company ITI, the owner of the pro-government TVN station, with the aim of enlarging the stadium of the Warsaw football team Legia Warszawa. More scandals followed. Sylwester R., the president of the National Insurance Fund (ZUS) was detained by the Internal Security Agency (ABW). Sylwester R. was appointed the ZUS president by Tusk already in November 2007. In the Seym deputies of PO voted against depriving Waldy Dzikowski of his immunity despite the Prosecutor’s office intention to charge him. Wojciech Sumlinski, a journalist and the Military Intelligence Service Liquidation Committee experienced a series of provocations initiated by former WSI officers. Bronislaw Komorwski took an active role in them.
Opposition politicians reminded of the fact that the former party of Donald Tusk was once nicknamed fraudsters. From the perspective of the public opinion PO’s arch enemies are the Institute of National Remembrance (IPN) and freedom of speech. Tusk is personally engaged in a witch hunt that targets the authors of a biography of Walesa. It concerns Slawomir Cenckiewicz i Piotra Gontarczyk’s book - ‘SB and Lech Walesa. A monograph on Walesa’s biography’ that was published by IPN. A like case is the chase of Pawel Zyzak, a 24 year old student of history at the Jagiellonian University. He wrote a biography of Walesa - ‘Lech Walesa – the idea and the history’ that triggered an uproar in the media. Tusk makes use of the case and attacks the Jagiellonian Univesity brutally. A commission is sent to the university with a view to evaluating its educational standards. The government decides to give up the case last minute.
The biggest compromise ever made by Donald Tusk is the Smolensk catastrophe. The death of the 96 victims of the crash, including the President, Lech Kaczynski, and the Polish generals who were to pay tribute to the Polish soldiers that had been killed by the Soviet 70 years before, did not cause any reshuffling of government. Tusk decides to dismiss neither the head of the Government Protection Bureau (BOR) nor Bogdan Klich, the Minister of Defence. The prior undermining the President’s visit to Russia and the immediate taking over of the investigation by the Russian as well as leaving the material evidence in their hands raises doubts concerning the real story behind the catastrophe. So far they have not been dispelled.
In January 2010 Tusk decided to resign from running for the post of President. He endorses the Speaker of the Seym, Bronislaw Komorowski. He attacks Jaroslaw Kaczynski making threats that concern Poland making a u-turn. Wladyslaw Bartoszewski supports Tusk and in the interview for a German daily, ‘Der Standard’, he calls Jaroslaw’s mourning of his twin brother necrophilia. During an official committee meeting that endorses Komorowski, Bartoszewski warns against electing a man "who is experienced in breeding fur animals". Obviously it concerns Jaroslaw Kaczynski who is known for his love of animals. Marek Majewski, an artist, warns against ‘the charisma of psychopaths’
1/ About the concept of Polishness, D. Tusk, A Pole tore, ‘Sign’ weekly, issues 11-12/1987, pp.190-191 (Wokol pojecia Polskosci, D. Tusk, Polak rozlamany, Tygodnik „Znak”, nr 11-12/1987, s. 190-191.
2/ A Trickster from behind the scene. An interview of Maria Mrozinska with Donald Tusk, ‘The Gdansk Paper’ 12 April 1991. Macher z zaplecza. Z Donaldem Tuskiem rozmawia Maria Mrozinska, „Gazeta Gdanska”, 12IV 1991.
3/ Report on the activities WSI [Military Information Services] soldiers, WSI employees and the army organisational units carrying out tasks within the framework of the military intelligence and counter-intelligence prior to the entry into force of the Act of 9 July 2003 on WSI whose scope is stipulated Article 67, paragraph 1, point 1-10 of the Act of 9 June 2006 ‘Provisions implementing the Act on the Military Counter-intelligence Service and the Military Intelligence Service and the Act on the service of the Military Counter-Intelligence Service and the Military Intelligence Service officers’ and on other activities out of the framework of the state’s security and defence matters of the Military Forces of the Republic of Poland, p.19.
“Rywingate” began after “ Gazeta Wyborcza’s” publication, which revealed a corruption proposal allegedly delivered in 2002 by Lew Rywin to Adam Michnik - Editor of the Gazeta and a former dissident. Vast parts of this recorded conversation heard Lew Rywin introducing himself as acting on behalf of those, who “held the power” at the time. He demanded a USD 13,5 million bribe for a license to buy Polsat, one of the private Polish TV channels, and legislation to secure it.
Students’ Solidarity Committees - Studenckie Komitety Solidarnosci - SKS,
Free Trade Unions of the Coast - Wolne Zwiazki Zawodowe Wybrzeza - WZZ Wybrzeza,
Security Service - Sluzba Bezpieczenstwa - SB,
Civic Platform – Platforma Obywatelska – PO,
Young Poland Movement - Ruch Mlodej Polski – RMP,
Democratic-Liberal Congress - Kongres Liberalno-Demokratyczny – KLD,
Confidential informant or secret collaborator - tajny wspolpracownik – TW,
Military Internal Service e.g. military political police - Wojskowa Sluzba Wewnetrzna – WSW,
Democratic Left Alliance – Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej – SLD,
Polish Peasants Party - Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe - PSL,
Law and Justice – Prawo i Sprawiedliwosc - PiS,
League of Polish Families – Liga Polskich Rodzin - LPR,
Military Intelligence Services – Wojskowe Sluzby Informacyjne – WSI,
Internal Security Agency – Agencja Bezpieczenstwa Wewnetrznego - ABW,
Institute of National Remembrance – Instytut Pamieci Narodowej - IPN,
Government Protection Bureau - Biuro Ochrony Rzadu - BOR,
Slawomir Cenckiewicz, Piotr Gontarczyk, SB a Lech Walesa. Przyczynek do biografii, IPN, Warszawa 2008,
Pawel Zyzak, Lech Walesa – the idea and the history, Arcana Krakow 2009.