Antoni Macierewicz

Antoni Macierewicz (photo Kryzsytof Lach)
Antoni Macierewicz was born on 3 August 1948 in Warsaw. He comes from an educated family (so-called ‘intelligentsia’). His great-great grandfather was an officer in the war of 1792 with Russia and his grandfather Adam was one of the founding fathers and a member of the National League and Roman Dmowski’s collaborator. His father Zdzislaw was a member of the National Party, then a soldier of the Home Army (AK) to became after the war the Treasurer of a Christian democrat party - the Labour Party, and a chemistry Reader at the University of Warsaw. He was found dead in his study on 10-11 November 1949. Mostly likely he was murdered by the secret police - Security Office (UB). His wife Maria (PhD in biology) worked in the National Institute of Hygiene. Antoni was her youngest child. His sister Barbara (b.1938) was a chemist at the University of Warsaw and his brother Wojciech (b.1945) was a carpenter. Antoni was shaped by the atmosphere of his home. His mother read to him Sienkiewicz’s ‘Trylogy’, and his sister was a scout engaged in helping repatriates from the territory lying to the East of the Bug river, the territory of the former Republic of Poland. Antoni’s wife Hanna (maiden Natora, born 1948) graduated from the University of Warsaw, the history faculty. Since 1974 she has been an employee of the Laboratory of Polish Periodical Press at the Institute of Literature Research at the Polish Academy of Sciences. His daughter Aleksandra (b. 1976) is a geneticist.

In 1966 through Janusz Kijowski, Antoni Macierewicz found his way to Romuald Traugutt 1st Warsaw Scout Team ‘Black One’ that operated at Tadeusz Reytan 6th Lyceum. The team built on the pre-war scout traditions and its less usual activities focused on, among other things, finding the Home Army or Freedom and Independence (WiN) soldiers.

In 1969 Antoni Macierewicz together with Marek Baranski, Andrzej Celinski, Janusz Kijowski and Piotr Naimski established a senior scout unit called ‘Wanderers’ with the aim of holding debates. On 11 December 1971 Security Service entered the house of professor Witold Doroszewski (Urszula’s, one of the scouts, grandfather) in Zalesie Gorne, where Jerzy Chowanczak, a priest from St. Michael’s parish, was giving a talk. All the present were apprehended when paying tribute to the victims of the Polish 1970 protests that broke out in the Polish northern Baltic coastal cities. 5 years later the meeting of the unit that took place in the flat of Pawel Bakowski and was devoted to educational reforms was adjourned. That was the eventual end of the activities of the unit. The members of it initiated later on purely political actions. In 1975 they initiated protests regarding the People’s Republic of Poland (PRL) Constitution changes and in March 1976 a boycott of the election to the 7th term Seym and to the National Councils as well as monitoring of the election committees with a view to learning the real election turnout. After the strikes of 1976 they started, as the first ones, to help the oppressed workers of ‘Ursus’ factory. 

In 1959-1960 Macierewicz attended a school run by the Salesian Fathers in Rumia near Gdynia. He graduated from the 25th primary school in Warsaw located at Ogrodowa street. He attended Andrzej Frycz – Modrzewski 17th Lyceum from which he was expelled in 1965 as he refused to condemn the Address of Polish Bishops to Their German Brothers in the Pastoral Office of Christ during a school assembly. He passed his final secondary school exam, the maturity exam, Maria Konopnicka at 42nd Lyceum. In 1966 he became a student of the Institute of History at the University of Warsaw. He was a member of the Faculty Council of the Polish Students’ Association. In 1967 he was a signatory to the open letter protesting against suspending Adam Michnik from the University. He founded a secret organisation, the Independence League, from which, during the Polish political crisis of 1968, also known as March 1968 or March events, originated the Students’ Committee at the faculty of history. He became its member. After the performance of a play by Adam Mickiewicz, (Dziady, written in 1824), directed by Kazimierz Dejmek at the Polish Theatre in Warsaw had been banned by the authorities he was involved in collecting signatures under an open letter protesting against this decision. He was a signatory to the open letter that demanded an explanation of the issue of anti – Semitic leaflets that appeared on the territory of the University at the end of February and the beginning of March. The letter was addressed to the University authorities. Starting 8 March he participated in students’ protests, produced and distributed leaflets, organized the so called ‘Chinese duplicator’ (a method that allowed a multi-copy duplication of an original by dictating). On 28 March he was apprehended, then arrested temporally and released on 3 August (that day Warsaw Prosecutor’s Office decided to discontinue the investigation). He was questioned by the police at least 20 times. First he was detained in Mostowski Palace and later on in Warszaw-Mokotow Arrest at Rakowiecka street (in a cell with Jakub Karpinski). He was punished with disciplinary punishments 4 times. 

On 6 April professor Zygmunt Rybicki, the Rector of the University of Warsaw, suspended him from the University and referred his case to the disciplinary committee. Macierewicz continued his studies (on the second year) thanks to bringing his rights back on 29 October. In December 1970 after the massacre of workers at the Baltic coast, together with Kijowski he organized an action of giving blood to the victims. It was accompanied by the distribution of leaflets supporting the workers. 

In February 1971 he passed his MA exam. At that time he was already engaged in working for the Laboratory of History of Latin America and Africa (Institute of History at the Polish Academy of Sciences). In 1972 he passed entrance exams (scored B) to become a PhD student of the Academy but he was not admitted as the Science Council rejected him. He became a teacher. A year later he applied for a job at the Academy however he was not recruited for his political views. On 15 February he agreed to become a librarian there but finally did not assume the post. In 1975 thanks to Jan Kieniewicz, the Reader, he got a job at the Iberian faculty at the University of Warsaw. He lectured on the history of Latin America. He published 10 articles, some in ‘Polish Ethnography’ (‘Etnografia Polska’) and learned the language of the Incas – Quechua. On 22 January 1976 Macierewicz finally started his PhD studies under the direction of prof. Tadeusz Lepkowski. The title of his PhD thesis was supposed to be ‘The birth of Habsburg Tahuantinsuyu. The economic and social structure of the Incas state and the formation of colonial society. He was not doing well. A confidential informant ‘Ranek’ in the second half of the 70’s wrote “before (…) he looked shabby and only now he started to take care of himself. He has money, bought a new suit, shoes and a jacket”.1/ On 16 October 1976 he was dismissed from work on the request of the Rector, professor Rybicki, owing to his engagement in the Workers’ Defence Committee (KOR). For the following years he remained unemployed. Only on 1 May 1981 he obtained a job at the Institute of History at the Polish Academy of Sciences. Later that year he also got a job as a lecturer at the Jagiellonian University since the Cracovian Independent Students’ Association (NZS) pressed for it. 

His scientific career was effectively stopped because of the measures taken by, among others, prof. Jarema Maciszewski and SB officers that made the publication of Macierewicz’s work “America in a Distorting Mirror”2/ by ‘Czytelnik’ publishing house impossible. 

The activities of Macierewicz in the 70’s were not focused solely on his engagement in the scout unit. At the beginning of the 70’s with Baranski, he produced photographical leaflets that were later distribute from commuter trains. The group increased to 10 people but around 1972 it dissolved itself. Together with Kazimierz Woycicki , he established in the former’s flat a salon for different environments. In December 1976 he signed an open letter concerning the planned changes to the Constitution. He also appealed to others regarding the issue. In the spring of 1976 he got engaged in the defence of arrested Stanislaw Kruszynski from the Catholic University of Lublin and Jacek Smykala that was expelled from The Pomeranian Medical University. Despite the criticism of, among others, Jan Jozef Lipski who claimed that those events were provoked by the authorities3/, he and a group of students associated with an inter-faculty students’ circle organized a campaign to collect signatures under an open letter defending Kruszynski and Smykala. At that time he asked Jacek Kuron, Adam Michnik and Jan Olszewski to consider an establishment of a committee for defending human rights.

In July 1976 he signed a letter that was a response to the July strikes. The letter was read in Radio Free Europe on 19th July. On 19 he came to the court buildings in Leszno, Warsaw, where ‘Ursus’ workers’ trial was taking place. He managed to get in touch with the families of the defendants which made it possible to organize aid for them. He made use of scouts and instructors of the scout team – ‘Black One’. The aid focused on material needs as well as on helping the families to overcome daily problems. Jan Litynski recollected: “Antek was very much enthusiastic and combative while Jacek (Kuron) much less. (…) He had the idea of a great blow, visiting students’ camps with the activists, collecting money, it went about launching a spectacular campaign. Jacek and me were of the opinion that it was too early for it, we thought that autumn was the right time and that we should be starting very slowly as it wouldn’t be easy to get it going.”4/

As the activities became wide-ranging Macierewicz was ever keener on making them institutional. The activists that were at risk of being apprehended, questioned and beaten up were supposed to be protected by being openly endorsed by known figures that enjoyed the public support. The aim was also to make the initiative credible for the public. This idea proved to be too modern and was implemented only because of the threats when Macierewicz, Naimski i Wojciech Onyszkiewicz decided to establish a committee on their own. Finally the ‘Address to society and authorities of PRL’ that was sent on 23 September to the Speaker of the Seym was signed by 14 people. That day Macierewicz was in Radom’s arrest as an observer of the trials there.5/ 

Macierewicz invented the name of the organisation – the Workers’ Defence Committee (KOR) but originally he considered a different name for it (Aid Committee for Polish Workers). However, the latter’s name when abbreviated in Polish – KPRP - was easily associated with the communist party’s name active before the war. He also drafted the address mentioned earlier that was finally edited by Naimski and Onyszkiewicz and read by Lipski and Olszewski. With Miroslaw Chojecki he drew up a report of 25 July 1976 ‘Descript_ion of the oppressive measures taken against the employees of Usrsus and other works’. The report was published in a few dozen. He found the idea of establishing a press body of KOR essential. On 29 September the first issue of ‘Communications’ was released. Macierewicz was its editor till the autumn of 1977 with a break ensuing from his arrest. He was one of the first ones to advocate the use of printing shops to communicate with of workers as they had no chance to type leaflets. This, however, did not meet with acceptance and for the first months the leaflets were still typed and distributed. It was only thanks to Macierewicz’s contacts with Janusz Krupski that ‘Communications’ started to be printed in Lublin. The first mimeograph was handed over by students of the Catholic University of Lublin (KUL) and transported by Marcin Gugulski to Warsaw. Macierewicz, Boguslawa Blajfer and Chojecki took part in its starting.

On 30 - 1 May 1977 Macierewicz, one of the group of people from Warsaw, took part in a meeting with the Jagiellonian University students that supported the opposition. The meeting that took place on Gorce mountain (the Western Beskidy) was aimed at making the students familiar with KOR. After Pyjas’s death Macierewicz went to Cracow and got engaged in boycotting the student rag (juwenalia) there. On 12 May he was in the flat of Jozef Ruszar where the action strategy was being discussed and on 14 May he was in St. Anne’s church to give advice on the distribution of leaflets and the way of behaving when contacting the police (Citizens’ Militia ) and the secret police (Security Service). He was apprehended by the students’ guards when distributing obituaries and handed over to the police. On 16 May he was arrested. Like on the other KOR members, a 3-month prosecutor’s sanction was imposed on him. On 19 July he was amnestied and released from prison 3 days later.

Macierewicz was one of the signatories to the ‘Democratic Movement Declaration’ of 18 September 1977. The declaration provided for the establishment of local, independent, and social institutions that would be tasked with defending human and citizens’ rights. The declaration was a founding document for the Committee of Social Self-defence of the Workers’ Defence Committee (KSS ‘KOR’) that came into existence after KOR transforming. He became the editor-in-chief of an uncensored monthly ‘The Voice’ (Glos). The magazine continued to be published from October 1977 to the end of the underground publishing. In spring 1990 60/61 issue was published, the following years ‘The Voice’ was published every second day to became a daily, a weekly, and finally an electronic paper. On 6 August and 2 September 1978 he took part in meetings with Czechoslovakian dissidents in the Karkonosze mountains at the Polish- Czechoslovakian border. Among the other five hundred he signed the ‘Letter to the Czech and Moravian Episcopate’ of 5 July 1979. On 4 or 5 October he joined the hunger strike that took place in St. Cross Church in Warsaw from 3 to 10 October in defence of Charter 77 (Karta 77) activists that had been imprisoned. 

Macierewicz and the group of ‘The Voice’ people were planning a demonstration in front of the Czechoslovakian Embassy on 22 October (the day of the first trial of the arrested Czechs). This, however, was frustrated by SB. 

Already then KOR was divided into two groups. One of them was the group of Macierewicz and Naimski (this group was connected with ‘The Voice’) and was characterized by democratic and independence ideals. The other one was secular-leftist and consisted mainly of the family members of the communist elite that had been engaged in the revisionist movement in the 60’s. The groups had different approaches to certain ideological and matters and the way they assessed the reality as well as the way they saw the future were distinct. Macierewicz talked openly about independence and rejected any potential agreement with the authorities (the liberal wing of the Polish United Workers' Party - PZPR) as well as the slow evolution of relations. His strategy envisaged radical steps e.g. street patriotic manifestations. His programme, presented in the editorial to the 2nd issue of ‘The Voice’ (October 1977) and the 4th one ‘Political traditions of PRL’ (January – February 1978) accepted the fact that the opposition was not ideologically homogeneous and assumed co-operation of ‘all that strived for Freedom and Independence’. Contrary to the leftist faction of KOR he did not exclude the possibility of collaborating with Movement for Defense of Human and Civic Rights (ROPCIO). In December 1979 together with Andrzej Czuma and Piotr Naimski he organized events commemorating the December of 1970. He was apprehended on 13 December, the day after he was temporally arrested (4 days after released). He was suspected of “taking part in a union that uses the name KSS “KOR” and whose illegal aims are to distribute materials that have no official approval.” The way of commemorating the events did not meet with Michnik’s approval, who asked Macierewicz and Naimski to renounce their membership in the organisation.6/ 

In 1980 he called for boycotting the election to the 8th term Seym and National Councils. A massive leaflet campaign was organized. In July he got engaged in a strike in the Municpal Waste Disposal Enterprise of Warsaw. He was in charge of the information centre that collected materials from couriers from Gdansk. Starting 18 he remained in hiding. He was involved in publishing special issues of ‘The Voice’ in a form of leaflets. Part of them, thanks to Jaroslaw Kaczynski was transferred to Wroclaw. Living temporally in Olszewski’s place he took part in drawing up the first drafts of the union’s statute. He voiced the need of creating free workers’ unions as early as 14 August unlike Michnik and Kuron who were of the opinion that workers should be dissuaded from this idea. 

Those years his actions were closely monitored by the police (Department III, later Department III-2 of Citizens’ Militia Capital Station), first within the framework of SOS (verification case), and starting 5 January 1976 under SOR (uncovering case), the operation code-named ‘Macek’.7/ From 25 January 1972 to 24 June 1975 and from 25 November 1976 to 25 November 1988 he was banned from leaving the country. According to the National Institute of Remembrance (IPN) from 1976 to 1978 six punishments were imposed on him by courts for petty crimes. He was punished for not turning up before the Military Garrison Medical Commission, raising funds illegally, organizing a demonstration and disturbing public order, littering, calling for continuing an illegal demonstration despite its dissolution by MO/SB, and making his flat available for illegal meetings. Between 1976 and 1980 he was apprehended and jailed for 48 hours at least 20 times but in his opinion “because of this we learnt the hard way”. His flat was searched at least 11 times. In his new neighbourhood in January 1977 SB interested in tarnishing his reputation, distributed leaflets informing his new neighbours about Macierewicz’s perverted tendencies. Moreover, SB threatened to kidnap his little daughter. 

In the nineties

In 1980 after the Gdansk Agreement (know also as August Agreement) was signed, Macierewicz and a group of people from ‘The Voice’ started a consultation point located at 9/25 Bednarska str. on 2 September. The aim was to give advice on how to organize ‘Solidarity’ (Solidarnosc). He was present in those enterprises where the union was being created. In November he co-founded the Social Survey Centremthat reported to Solidarity Regional Board “Mazowsze” and became its head (formally he hold the post of Secretary for Science). In December 1980 he started to publish the only one uncensored union daily ‘Daily News’ (‘Wiadomosci Dnia’). He was engaged in creating Clubs of Independence Service that were initiated 27 September 1981 during the 1st National Convention of Delegates of Independent Self-governing Trade Union "Solidarity". 

Starting October 1980 he was a member of the Experts’ Group with the National Coordinating Commission and starting January 1981 a member of the Programme - Consultation Council of the Social and Professional Works Centre affiliated with the National Coordinating Commission. When conflicts in ‘Solidarity’ arose he supported Walesa e.g. after the events in Bydgoszcz in March 1981 he was against organising a general strike. 
He participated in the last sitting of the National Commission in Gdansk (11/-12 December 1981) and in view of progressing radicalism signed a motion not to pass any resolutions. After the sitting when it was already clear that the authorities would not shirk from using violence he called for not leaving the territory of the Lenin shipyard. He took part in an occupational strike there on 13 December as a member of National Strike Committee. On 16 December he was apprehended and jailed in Ilawa, then in Kielce-Piaski, Zaleze near Rzeszow, and Nowy Lupkow. He was referred to hospital in Sanok and then on 18 November 1982, according to SB documents, escaped after an appointment with a dentist that took place in the neighbouring building. According to him, he just left the building when the guard walked away for a moment. He left the place in a hearse. The following year he was in hiding, used bogus documents and lived at workers’ and the service empoyees’ places. He took part in publishing ‘ The Voice’ (when absent was replaced by Ludwik Dorn) and ‘The News’ (this was a continuation of ‘Daily News’). He was the head of the ‘The Voice’ independent publishing house that existed without breaks from 1978/1979 to 1989/1990 and published about 100 books and brochures. 

When Martial Laws were imposed his wife Hanna, who was in London at that time, decided to come back to Poland. On 19 December she was apprehended at the airport and interned. She was jailed in Olszynka Grochowska, and then Goldapia. In April she was paroled and at that time a decision on her release was taken. 

In 1983 Macierewicz through ‘The Voice’ advocated an alliance of the Church, ‘Solidarity’ and the Army against the communist regime. He supported the idea until 1985. This was contrasted with the idea of Celinski that called for an alliance of the Church, ‘Solidarity’ and the secret service. The latter proved to be much more realistic. 

In 1984 Macierewicz as a co-founder of Archidiocesean Chaplaincy of Professionals became a member of its Programme Council. In 1987 he established an independence association ‘Freedom and Solidarity’ that was registered with the court in Warsaw 25 July 1989. The association supported the National Commission Working Group that opposed Walesa and demanded that the National Commission with its members of 1981 be summoned. In 1988 him and a group of people from ‘The Voice’ joined the Political Thought Group ‘Dziekania’. He left it when the club became active in the Round Table preparations. He was fiercely against talks with the authorities which he perceived as a betrayal. Macierewicz claimed “We are facing a global regime. It did not matter whether we had started the Round Table talks or not the communists would have had to give up.[…]But for the nervous rush of the revisionist elites we would have had an early election 2 years earlier”.

He chose politics as it was the only way for him to continue making efforts to free the country from the communist and soviet influences. On 28 November 1989 he became a founding member and the deputy president of the People’s Christian Union (ZChN). It came into existence by merging ‘Freedom and Solidarity’, ‘Order and Freedom’ Political Clubs, and Catholic Association of Academic Associations.
In 1990 he joined Walesa’s Citizens’ Committee and on 16 February 1991 the President’s Advisory Committee. From 1991 to 1993 he was the Catholic Election Action deputy to the Seym. On 23 December 1991 Olszewski granted him the Ministry of Interior portfolio. A few months later he started to take measures to implement the Seym resolution of 28 May 1992 that provided for informing the Seym till 6 June of civil servants (from the level voyvods’ posts up), the Seym deputies and senators that were registered with the secret police and the security office (SB/UB) and as secret collaborators (confidential informants) (TW) between 1945-1990. Two days before the deadline the list of 64 names was forwarded to the Convent of Seniors. The list included deputies and civil servants. The 1st President of the Supreme Court, and the president of the Constitutional Tribunal received a copy of the list that included the names of Walesa and Wieslaw Chrzanowski. Despite the statement of Tomasz Tywonek, the spokesperson of the Ministry of Interior , that stated that Macierewicz ‘does not feel entitled to state who was a confidential informant and who was not’ and the list is purely informative and regards ‘information available in the files of the Ministry of Interior’ it was believed that the list is actually ‘a list of agents’. ‘Election Newspaper’ (Gazeta Wyborcza) and later on other newspapers began publishing articles suggesting that Macierewicz and the Prime Minister Olszewski were getting ready for a coupe although no evidence has ever been presented.8/

The implementation of the resolution contributed to the fall of Olszewski’s government, but Macierewicz was being personally attacked and accused of triggering a ‘vetting uproar’. He was portrayed as a madman fuelled by hatred and a man who, according to Kuron, ‘decided to damage the state cause, apparently, he is ill’. On 11 June Walesa said ‘Mr former minister, I still have some gimmicks up my sleeve and when I show them you will be in hospital.’9/ Such a campaigned targeted at Macierewicz lasted for years. Once expelled from the People’s Christian Union (ZChN) on 19 July 1992 together with Piotr Walerych and Mariusz Marasek he established Christian National Movement ‘Action Poland’. The first meeting was held on 27 February 1993. On 6 June 1993 the party merged with Olszewski’s Movement for the Polish Republic. After having failed to enter the Seym when the Coalition for the Polish Republic gained 2.7 % of votes and did not exceed the 5% election threshold, Macierewicz on 30 November re-established ‘Action Poland’ (formally the party existed to 1998). In the presidential election of 1995 he supported Olszewski and announced his readiness to join Olszewski’s Movement for Poland’s Reconstruction (ROP) and in 1996 he became deputy president of its Supreme Council. One year later as a ROP candidate he became the Seym deputy. However, he left ROP following the conflict that he triggered and that involved introducing changes to the election lists.

Between 2001-2005 he was the League of Polish Families deputy (he got 25 000 votes). He established the party together with Roman Giertych. In 2005 he ran for the post of the president of Warsaw. He came the eight (out of 14 candidates) and got 1.09 i.e. 5849 votes. Between 2004-2005 he was a member of the Seym committee of inquiry for PKN Orlen privatisaton. In the parliamentary election of 2005 he did not manage to get to the Seym (he gained 1.05 votes). He ran for the seat as a candidate of the National-Catholic Movement that he founded in 1997. Two years later he became the Seym deputy as a Law and Justice (PiS) candidate. He gained 40 000 seats in the Piotrkow Trybunalski constituency. In 2005 his National-Catholic Movement, Gabriel Janowski’s Alliance for Poland, Olszewski’s Movement for Poland’s Reconstruction, and Wojciech Podjacki’s League for Sovereignty Defence united to form Patriotic Movement of the Polish Republic.

22 July 2006 he was appointed deputy minister of the Defence by the Prime Minister Jaroslaw Kaczynski. He was tasked with liquidating the Military Intelligence Services (WSI) and was the plenipotentiary for military counter-intelligence service organisation. He performed those tasks to 4 October 2006 i.e. to the day when he became the Head of Military Counter-Intelligence Service (SKW). On 4 November 2007 he resigned from the post as he obtained a deputy mandate. Lech Kaczynski appointed him the head of committee for WSI vetting. He was in charge of monitoring the drafting of a special report. The report that was revealed to the public on 16 February 2007, disclosed links between Military Internal Service (WSW) that was the predecessor of the military services of the 3rd Republic, GRU and KGB. The document unveiled also illegal dealings (trading in weapon, participating in the fuel mafia, inheriting the wealth of Polish citizens that died abroad, invigilating the right-wing parties etc.) of the military service officers. What is more the report listed names of officials that hold managerial positions in the public sector and failed to react appropriately to irregularities despite being aware of them as well as names of confidential informants that did not act in accordance with the law, encouraged to disobey law, and performed tasks that were not connected with defence. He came under fierce attack from the environment of former WSI officers, the media and politicians. This only convinced him that he had discharged his duties properly. Since then Macierewicz has been experiencing ongoing media attacks.

Between 31 October and 16 November 2007 he became state secretary of Defence. He was dismissed by the new minister Bogdan Klich. The dismissal came when he was on his way to Afghanistan to the Polish base there. In November 2007 and in January 2008 he was effectively stopped from becoming a member of committee for special services (in response to it PiS boycotted its works) and committee of inquiry for duress exerted on special services in the period of 2005 - 2007 respectively.

Macierewicz has headed PiS parliamentary team whose aim is to discover reasons for the presidential plane crash in Smolensk.


1) Operational report of 18 November 1976, SOR code name “Macek”, AIPN 0258/291/CD [quoted later: SOR code name Macek], v.1, scan nr 59.
2) Operational report of 31 December 1976 SOR code name Macek, v.1, scan nr 162.
3) M. Choma-Jusinska, Opposition evnironments on the teritory of Lubelszczyzna 1975-1980, Warszawa-Lublin 2009, s. 115
4) J. Litynski, This is the way we started to do this…, “Bridge” 1986, nr 9/10, p.112.
5) Operational report 18 November 1976 r., SOR code name Macek, v. 1, scan nr 59.
6) Decision of deputy prosecutor of the District Prosecutor’s Office for Warszawa- Srodmiescie district S. Rozalski on temporary arrest of A. Macierewicz of 14 Decmber 1979., AIPN 01326/435/jacket/CD, scan nr 42.
7) III Department Inspectorate of Citizens’ Militia Capital Station [illegible signature], note, Warsaw, 17 January 1977., SOR code name Macek.
8) J. Kurski, P. Semka, June lefist. Kaczynski, Macierewicz, Parys, Glapinski, Kostrzewa-Zorbas speak [Warszawa] [1993], p. 197 i 200.
9) See ‘Against the mainstream’ programme (part 68: interview with A. Macierewicz, part 2), in which Jerzy Zalewski used television records that included the quoted words.


National League - Liga Narodowa – LN,
National Party - Stronnictwo Narodowe - SN,
Home Army – Armia Krajowa – AK,
Labour Party - Stronnictwo Pracy - SP,
Security Office – Urzad Bezpieczenstwa - UB,
Freedom and Independence – Wolnosc i Niezawislosc – WiN,
Independent Students’ Association - Niezalezne Zrzeszenie Studentow – NZS,
Workers’ Defence Committee – Komitet Obrony Robotnikow - KOR,
Citizens’ Militia – Milicja Obywatelska – MO
Security Service – Sluzba Bezpieczenstwa – SB,
Polish United Workers' Party – Polska Zjednoczona Partia Robotnicza - PZPR,
Movement for Defense of Human and Civic Rights – Ruch Obrony Praw Czlowieka i Obywatela - ROPCIO,
National Institute of Remembrance – Instytut Pamieci Narodowej - IPN,
secret collaborator (confidential informant) - tajny wspolpracownik - TW
Military Intelligence Services - Wojskowe Sluzby Informacyjne - WSI,
Military Counter-Intelligence Service - Sluzba Kontrwywiadu Wojskowego – SKW,
Military Internal Service – Wojskowa Sluzba Wewnetrzna - WSW,
People’s Christian Union - Zjednoczenie Chrzescijansko-Narodowe – ZChN,
Movement for Poland’s Reconstruction - Ruch Odbudowy Polski – ROP,
Law and Justice – Prawo i Sprawiedliwosc - PiS.
Gazeta Polska
Posted on Mon, 2011-05-02 02:39